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In their zeal to issue the domestic policy agenda of President Trump in a “large beautiful draft law” of expenditure and tax cuts, the Republicans of the Senate try to control the parliamentarian, and breathe a significant standard of congress standard.

The strategy would enable them to bring a formal thumb up or thumb down to the fact that the expansion of the tax cuts that Mr. Trump signed in the law in 2017 would not cost anything – a gimmick that would make it easier for them to put as many tax cuts into their bill without appearing the deficit to balloon.

In the past few days, all eyes have been on Elizabeth Macdonough, the parliamentary, to see if they bless the trick and smooth the way for the GOP bill. But on Wednesday, the Republicans signaled that they wanted to take extraordinary measures to make them around them overall.

Instead of containing Ms. MacDonough, they claimed that Senator Lindsey Graham from South Carolina as chairman of the budget committee could one -sidedly decide the costs for the legislation, with reference to a budget law of 1974. The Republicans of the Senate presented a new budget resolutions on Wednesday, which they already presented this week for coordination. And in a statement, Mr. Graham said that he considered an extension of the 2017 tax cuts as free of charge.

“It is now time for the Senate to drive these budget decisions ahead to further promote our joint republican agenda in the congress,” said Senator John Thune from South Dakota, the majority leader.

The approach is a description of the strictly ruled reconciliation process and a possibility of a decisive wake of the Senate for a simple majority vote to put down the so-called nuclear option in a move that is comparable to the removal of the filibuster.

Changes to fiscal policy are usually measured by the costs of what the congress has already transferred to the law, which is called the “current right -wing base”. But the Republicans want to give up this standard and instead measure changes to the existing guideline costs, even those that are temporary.

“I found that the current directive will be the budgetary basis in relation to taxation,” said Graham in his explanation. “This can make tax cuts permanently.”

The question of what legislation costs is crucial. Non -party budget points have estimated that the extension of tax cuts would cost around 4 trillion dollars over a decade. The Republicans of the Senate, who also want to reduce a long list of other taxes, argue that the introduction of the original Trump tax reductions is actually free. That would make it much easier for them to write laws with a price that is more tasty for fiscal falcons.

The resolution that they unveiled on Wednesday would pave the way for the expansion of tax cuts in 2017, new tax cuts by $ 1.5 trillion by $ 1 trillion. It creates two different expenses for house and senate committees – just a few billion dollars in the Senate, compared to $ 1.5 trillion in the house.

Apart from the look of making the costs for the tax cut smaller, the change in the baseline offers additional benefits for the Republicans of the Senate: the ability to continue tax cuts for an indefinite period. One of the restrictions on reconciliation is that the legislator does not allow to expand the deficit in the long term.

According to typical budget regulations, the Republicans would have to find long-term expenses that will plan the costs of the Trump tax reductions in the future-or plan them again within 10 years. With a change in the base line, the continuation of the Trump tax cuts does not seem to increase the deficit. Therefore, the Republicans believe that they are saying a law that would keep them on the spot forever.

Ms. Macdonough would normally have to determine whether the Republicans could apply this evaluation strategy. If she decided that they couldn’t, the Republicans would be sent back to the drawing board to make a number of difficult decisions that you have tried so far to avoid the tax cuts they could include and how they can compensate for their costs.

But the Republicans now argue that Ms. Macdonough doesn’t need them at all.

“I really don’t think we have to contain them,” said Senator John Cornyn from Texas.

“We would not override the parliamentarian,” said Senator Lisa Murkowski from Alaska. “We would support the chairman’s interpretation.”

Nevertheless, the move is only certainly to a challenge on the ground of Democrats and to Republicans, who are a new precedent that the majority party in the budget affairs can control by the parliamentarian whenever it decides.

Molly E. Reynolds, expert in congress procedures and scholarship holder at the Brooking’s institution, said that disregarding the views of the parliamentarian would be a great departure from the direction of the Senate.

“We should imagine this as a version of the nuclear option,” she said, using the term for unilaterally changing Senate practices through parliamentary decisions. “If we got into a world in which they only ignore the parliamentarian and not all involve everyone, that would really be a profound change in the work of the Senate and a real erosion of legislation for rules in the Senate.”

A confrontation about the topic could already come this week. In this scenario, the Democrats would benefit against the republicans’ evaluation strategy, and the GOP would then move to kill the objection with a simple majority.

“I assume that Senator Schumer has something to say,” said Senator John Kennedy from Louisiana, a Republican member of the budget committee and referred to Senator Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York and the chairman of the minority. “He will raise objections and we will win.”

The Democrats have argued that the removal of the authority to determine such a weighty matter from the parliamentarian and the exertion with a partisan committee chairman would indeed be the same as the destruction of the filibuster. It would make practically any legislation that the chairman considered to adopt 51 votes instead of 60.

“The Republicans know that their so-called current politics-gimmick will probably not fly,” said Schumer on Wednesday on the ground of the Senate. “Now they are ready to decide for themselves which rules of the Senate should follow and which rules should ignore.”

Andrew Duehren Reported reports.